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No More Fair Share Fees


June 28, 2018

Sara FagnilliOn June 27, 2018, the United State Supreme Court in Janus v. AFSCME, overruled its 1977 decision of Abood v. Detroit Board of Education, and held that unions may not charge “agency fees” (known as “fair share fees”) to public employees who choose not to join the union. The Court found that payment of fair share fees by non-union members violates the First Amendment, which includes the right to be free from compulsion to engage in speech contrary to one’s beliefs.

The Court rejected a number of arguments in support of Abood. Notably, the Court dismissed the “risk of free riders.” That means the risk of non-union members utilizing union benefits without paying dues, finding that risk insufficient to overcome First Amendment concerns. The Court reasoned that unions could implement other strategies to cover the cost of grievance or arbitration representation for non-members, thereby eliminating that risk. Finally, the Court expressed little sympathy for any potential financial impact on unions who “have been on notice for years regarding this Court’s misgivings about Abood.”

The decision was not unanimous and Justice Kagan authored the dissent, which was critical of the majority’s failure to recognize the potential economic impact on unions when they are already not funded well enough to carry out their duties.

Public employers should consult with labor counsel to determine the best course of action regarding the impact of the Janus decision and how to handle fair share fees for non-union employees, which have now been found unlawful by the Supreme Court.

Sara Fagnilli is an attorney at Walter | Haverfield who focuses her practice on public law and litigation. She can be reached at sfagnilli@walterhav.com and at 216-928-2958.

 

NLRB’s Joint Employer Ruling Put on Hold


March 16, 2018

 

Just when U.S. employers thought they could rely on a tighter, more favorable test for the determination of joint employer liability, the National Labor Relations Board’s joint employer saga lingers on – for now.

In December 2017, the NLRB reversed its prior Browning-Ferris Industries joint employer rule. The old Browning-Ferris rule was perhaps the most controversial decision from the Obama era NLRB. It stood for the proposition that a business could be deemed a “joint employer” and share liability with other entities if that business had even the ability to exert indirect control over those other entities.

The recent reversal of Browning-Ferris came by way of Hy-Brand Industrial Contractors, Ltd. The NLRB’s Hy-Brand ruling in December nullified Browning-Ferris and restored a standard whereby companies must have direct control over contractors, subsidiaries, and the like in order to be considered joint employers.

Employers across the country rejoiced, until a curveball was thrown late last month. On Feb. 26, the NLRB unanimously vacated its decision in Hy-Brand in response to a report from the NLRB’s inspector general (IG). The IG indicated that recently-appointed NLRB board member Bill Emanuel should not have participated in the case. It also concluded that Emanuel should have recused himself from Hy-Brand because Emanuel’s prior law firm represented Browning-Ferris’s contractor in the case before the board. The IG went on to note that Hy-Brand was essentially a continuation of the deliberations that took place in Browning-Ferris.

While the Obama-board joint employer rule may have achieved a reprieve for now, it is highly likely that another case similar to Hy-Brand will emerge which will result in a “clean” reversal of the Browning-Ferris standard. When and how that will occur is far from settled, but it is likely that the current NLRB has its sights set on abrogating the hot-button Browning-Ferris rule. Until then, Browning-Ferris is still the law of the land and employers must take notice to avoid joint employer liability.

Max Rieker is an attorney at Walter |Haverfield who focuses his practice on labor and employment law. He can be reached at mrieker@walterhav.com or at 216-928-2972.

 

Labor law experiences seismic change during the first year of the Trump administration


February 26, 2018

 

“The past year has brought with it endemic and unsettled political questions in the world of labor and employment law – with more to come in 2018,” writes Walter | Haverfield attorney Max Rieker for Crain’s Cleveland Business.

Who’s the Employer Here? Understanding What Constitutes ‘Joint Employer’ Status Under the NLRB


February 12, 2018

 

The National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) recently reversed the joint-employer standard, and Walter | Haverfield attorney Max Rieker wrote about the change for the Council of Smaller Enterprises (COSE). His article was published in COSE’s e-newsletter, “Mind Your Business.”

Will the Real Employer Please Stand Up


January 31, 2018

 

The National Labor Relations Board’s recent noteworthy decision to reverse the joint-employer standard will likely impact a variety of industries and businesses nationwide.

That decision centers around the case of Hy-Brand Industrial Contractors, Ltd. On December 14, 2017, the NLRB ruled that two or more entities will be considered joint employers only if there is proof that one entity has actually exercised control over essential employment terms of another entity’s employees. The Hy-Brand standard also requires that this control be direct and immediate, rather than indirect or limited.

The NLRB’s ruling reverses the highly controversial Browning-Ferris standard. In 2015, the case of Browning-Ferris Industries stood the labor and employment world on its head by holding that a company, the company’s contractors and franchisees could all be lumped together and considered a single “joint employer” for purposes of the National Labor Relations Act.

This was true even if the company did not exert overt control over the terms and conditions of employment for a contractor’s or franchisee’s workers. Under Browning-Ferris, the NLRB could determine that a group of separate entities could be considered a joint employer if the primary company had even “indirect control,” or the ability to exert indirect control over the related companies. Why is this important? Under Browning-Ferris, the alleged wrongs of one company could be imputed to other separate companies if it was determined that even “indirect control” could have been exerted. Thus, joint liability could have been imposed upon all entities in a “joint employer” web.

The NLRB’s U-turn move with Hy-Brand is prompting labor and employment lawyers across the country to intently watch how future decisions will be impacted. The most notable case, which has been in active litigation before the NLRB for several years, deals with the fast food giant, McDonald’s, and the extent to which it exerts control over its franchisees. To date, the McDonald’s case has been one of the most costly and intensive cases in the history of the NLRB, including no less than 150 days of testimony. Observers are keenly aware that Hy-Brand may well affect this case and countless more to come.

Max Rieker is an attorney at Walter |Haverfield who focuses his practice on labor and employment law. He can be reached at mrieker@walterhav.com or at 216-928-2972.

 

Major Change to Employee Handbook Requirements


December 21, 2017

 

On December 14, 2017, the National Labor Relations Board overturned a controversial 13-year precedent and issued a major decision relating to the legality and enforceability of certain employee handbook rules for employers nationwide.

This decision is likely to have far-reaching impact on the employer – employee relationship. With this NLRB action, a major constraint on employers’ ability to promulgate work rules has been significantly rolled back.

In 2004, the NLRB created a test for deciding whether portions of employee handbooks were legal. In Lutheran Heritage Village-Livonia 343 NLRB 646 (2004), the NLRB held that if “employees would reasonably construe” that the language in a work rule restricted the employees from banding together for a collective purpose, then the handbook provision would not be enforceable. This “concerted activity” shield was true for both unionized and non-unionized workplaces.

The “Lutheran Heritage test” was used by the NLRB to strike down many employee handbook provisions over the past several years. Those provisions included rules which prohibited employees from criticizing their employers on social media and rules which prohibited making recordings in the workplace. Shockingly, Lutheran Heritage was even used in a 2016 case to strike down aspirational handbook language which called upon employees to “maintain a positive work environment.”

During that same period, a minority of NLRB members often issued stinging dissents related to these contentious decisions, citing too great of an emphasis on employees’ rights and too little attention to the legitimate needs of employers to manage their workplaces.

On December 14, a 3-2 majority of the NLRB overturned the Lutheran Heritage standard. The vote in The Boeing Company and Society of Professional Engineering Employees in Aerospace, IFPTS Local 2001 was strictly along party lines. The Republican majority found the prior Lutheran Heritage test to be both complicated and onerous on employers.

Now, the NLRB standard for reviewing a challenged employee handbook provision will not be based on the “reasonably construed” language of Lutheran Heritage. Rather, the board will consider the “nature and extent” of the rule’s “potential impact” which may be adverse to employees’ rights under the National Labor Relations Act. Further, the NLRB will consider the “legitimate justifications associated” with the work rule. In other words, the legitimate need of the employer may now take precedence over employees’ right to act in a concerted manner, depending on the language of the work rule, the legitimacy of the employer’s need and the operative facts.

As a good end-of-year practice, and particularly in light of this major NLRB ruling, every employer should undertake the process of reviewing employee handbooks to determine what changes should be made going forward.

For any questions regarding the applicability of the new standard, please contact Max Rieker at 216-928-2972 or mrieker@walterhav.com.

One Year Later… Labor and Employment Issues in the Trump Era


December 19, 2017

As we approach the first anniversary of President Trump’s inauguration, there are some emerging takeaways as to his administration’s priorities with regards to labor and employment law. Here’s a quick rundown of what we can glean, one year later:

    • Show me your budget, and I’ll tell you what you value. The administration’s proposed budget for fiscal year 2018, released in late May, suggested a more limited role for federal regulators in the labor and employment space. For example, under the proposed Trump budget for FY18, the Department of Labor’s budget was slashed by about 20 percent. The National Labor Relations Board’s proposed budget was cut by six percent. The administration’s proposed FY18 budget also uniformly envisioned headcount cuts across agencies principally responsible for labor and employment law enforcement, including consolidation of certain functions. Put simply, less money and smaller staffs suggest a preference for more limited (or at least less activist) regulation. Many of these cuts have been rejected by Congress, but a president’s proposed budget reflects administration priorities. When Congress does get around to funding the government for FY18, enforcement funds will almost certainly be more limited.

 

    • Personnel is policy. The Trump administration has been, as a general matter, a bit sluggish in staffing the executive branch – and those appointments that have been made have faced stiff headwinds in the confirmation process. The result – agencies that are still largely being run by temporary holdover leadership (such as at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission) or being run with key vacancies (such as at the Department of Labor). Or, take the National Labor Relations Board, for example. That’s an agency with leadership that was only recently installed. Overall, the administration’s choices of temporary leadership and nominations that have been confirmed suggest a reversion to a regulatory approach largely in sync with prior Republican administrations (again, auguring a more proscribed enforcement agenda).

 

 

    • Congress mulls its own changes. While Congress has largely focused on attempts to pass large pieces of the Trump administration’s agenda in other related policy areas (such as health care and tax reform), there are some limited labor and employment stirrings on Capitol Hill. Senator John Thune’s NEW GIG Act, which would clarify the test for independent contractor classification for tax purposes and provide limited safe harbor to employers who misclassify workers, was included in the initial version of the Senate tax bill. Senator Thune was named to the conference committee that will attempt to pass the final tax bill – so this proposal is worth following. The Save Local Business Act, which would clarify and limit the definition of joint employment under the Fair Labor Standards Act and the National Labor Relations Act, has passed the House and awaits consideration in the Senate. Also passed in the House and now awaiting Senate consideration is the Working Families Flexibility Act, which would allow comp time arrangements under the FLSA for private sector workers.

 

  • EEOC issues guidance on preventing workplace harassment. In late November, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission published new informal guidance regarding workplace harassment, entitled “Promising Practices for Preventing Harassment.” A product of the EEOC’s Select Task Force on the Study of Harassment in the Workplace (which was initiated during the Obama administration), this guidance outlines a comprehensive set of suggestions on harassment prevention. That includes the suggestion that employers re-consider training methods to include civility and bystander training. With workplace harassment now part of the national zeitgeist, a review of this informal guidance is warranted.

George Asimou is an attorney with Walter | Haverfield and concentrates on labor and employment law. He can be reached at gasimou@walterhav.com or 216-928-2899.

Supreme Court Agrees to Hear Public Sector Union Fees Challenge, Yet Again


November 14, 2017

 

“Fair share” union fees may very well be on their way out in the public sector. On September 28, 2017, the United States Supreme Court agreed to accept the case of Janus v. American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME). This case revisits the constitutionality of fair share fees being imposed upon an employee as a condition of employment.

The issue goes back to the seminal 1977 Supreme Court case of Abood v. Detroit Board of Education. In Abood, the unanimous court held that it was lawful for members of a bargaining unit – but who were NOT voluntary members of the applicable labor union – to be assessed a union fee as a condition of employment. The theory in Abood was that it is unjust to require unions to represent a minority of non-paying “free riders” within a bargaining unit who would then reap the benefit of the union negotiating and enforcing their labor contract. By law, unions are required to represent all members of a bargaining unit, including the processing of grievances for those who have not signed union membership cards.

Since Abood, both public sentiment and the opinion of justices have shifted. Many Supreme Court observers predicted that mandatory fair share fees to unions would be abolished with the early 2016 decision in Friedrichs v. California Teachers Association. That decision challenged fair share fees head-on based on First Amendment grounds.

However, the unexpected death of Justice Antonin Scalia a month before the Friedrichs decision was released resulted in a 4-4 deadlock. Therefore, the lower court decision to allow fair share fees was permitted to stand. Half of the justices in Friedrichs would have abolished fair share fees on the grounds that mandating any dues payments equates to mandating a worker’s speech.

Today, laws in 22 states, including Ohio, permit mandatory fair share fee payments from all those covered by a collective bargaining agreement, but who have opted not to join the union. There are currently about 11 million union employees in these 22 states. The other 28 states have “right to work” laws, which expressly prohibit requiring workers to join or financially support a labor union, unless those workers do so of their own volition.

The case now before the Supreme Court involves Mark Janus who is a child support specialist employed by the state of Illinois. He and a small group of others filed suit two years ago based on the same free speech arguments brought forth in Friedrichs. Janus objected to being required to pay $44 per month to AFSCME, which covers approximately 35,000 other state workers.

Many now view Janus v. AFSCME as the final blow to the 40-year-old Abood precedent. It is unlikely that Justices Roberts, Thomas, Alito and Kennedy will have had a change of heart on the same issue in the span of a year. It is highly likely that Justice Neil Gorsuch is poised to be the fifth vote necessary to strike down Abood. The Janus decision is due to be released in summer of 2018.

The practical impact of the likely outcome in Janus may not be felt immediately in the workplace. It has been estimated that as many as 30% of union members will cease paying union dues if the requirement is abolished. Consequently, an abolishment of fair share fee payments will ultimately weaken their ability to conduct business.

Unions are keenly aware of this dynamic. They will likely seek alternatives to existing and upcoming collective bargaining agreements in the short term in an attempt to contractually preserve fair share fees for as long of a period as possible.

Any questions on this topic can be directed to Max Rieker at 216-928-2972 or mrieker@walterhav.com.

U.S. Supreme Court is poised to decide major labor and employment cases this term


November 9, 2017

Americans are sick and tired of being sick and tired


August 11, 2017

An article by George J. Asimou was published in Crain’s Cleveland Business on August 6, 2017 and subsequently in Crain’s HR Guidebook. In this article, titled, “Americans are sick and tired of being sick and tired,” George discussed the Working Families Flexibility Act (H.R. 1180) and its bid to allow private sector employers to offer their employees the choice of paid time off instead of overtime compensation.

Minimum staffing ruling means OT ahead for Elyria firefighters


August 1, 2017

Making America Recreate Again – Comp time may be a future option for private sector employers


January 11, 2017

Americans spend a lot of time at work. A recent study published by Bloomberg.com, in fact, suggests that the average American works almost 25 percent more hours than the average person in Europe. The raw numbers are about 258 more hours per year which averages out to about an hour more each week day. Comparing working life between countries in an apples-to-apples comparison can be tricky when considering the increasing frequency of remote work. Yet, most people would likely agree that Americans are putting in some real hours on the job.

With a new administration coming into office, there is plenty of speculation as to how workplace laws and regulations might change. While we’re all speculating, let’s consider a long gestating Republican initiative concerning work/life balance that just might become law during a Trump presidency—a re-introduction of compensatory time into private sector workplaces.

Compensatory Time (frequently referred to as comp time) is the practice of an employer providing future paid time off in lieu of immediately paying overtime wages for hours worked over 40 in a week. So, for example, if an employee classified as non-exempt under the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) were to work 45 hours in a given work week, the employer and the employee could agree under a comp time scheme that the employee could bank 7.5 hours of paid leave time for future use. Public sector employers are likely familiar with comp time, as it is a common (and lawful) practice in the public sector. However, the FLSA currently only allows private employers to use comp time under very narrow and limited circumstances.

Congressional Republicans have been pushing the concept of making comp time schemes more broadly lawful for private sector employers for quite some time now. In 2013, the Working Families Flexibility Act was introduced and passed by the U.S. House of Representatives, before dying quietly in the U.S. Senate. The bill was re-introduced in the last Congress and, as the bill’s main proponents (in both the House and the Senate) will all return for the next Congress, it is likely to be re-introduced again. In addition, since President-Elect Trump’s nominee for Secretary of Labor, Andy Puzder (a fine Clevelander!), is a long-time advocate of FLSA reform and workforce flexibility, it is not unreasonable to believe a revamped Working Families Flexibility Act would be signed by President-Elect Trump.

The most recent version of the Working Families Flexibility Act placed a cap on comp time accrual at 160 hours a year. This is a lower cap than the FLSA currently imposes on public employers (240 hours for most public employees and up to 480 hours for safety and emergency forces). The latest iteration of the bill also required cash-out of unused comp time at year’s end. It is important to note that comp time arrangements (both currently for public employees and under the Working Families Flexibility Act’s proposed terms) must be voluntary, i.e. agreed-to ahead of time in writing either between employer and employee or between employer and a representative union.

Given that work/life balance is an enduring issue in the American workplace, employers should continue to evaluate policy tools by which employees can take a breather without unduly disrupting their employers’ operations.

Other (Less-Speculative) Wage and Hour Developments.

New FLSA Overtime Rules Remained Stalled: An injunction barring the implementation of new Department of Labor (DOL) regulations raising the minimum salary level for executive, administrative, and professional employees to be treated as exempt from the FLSA’s overtime requirements has been appealed by the DOL to the U.S. Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals. The Fifth Circuit agreed to hear the DOL’s appeal on an expedited basis but not before the new Trump Administration takes office. Again, the recent nomination of Andy Puzder (an outspoken foe of the new overtime regulations) as Secretary of Labor strongly suggests that this appeal will be abandoned and that the regulations will never be implemented (at least in their current form).

Ohio Minimum Wage Increases in 2017: As we previously reported, as of January 1, 2017, Ohio’s minimum wage will increase to $8.15 per hour for regular hourly employees. The minimum wage for tipped employees will increase to $4.08 per hour. Ohio’s minimum wage is currently $8.10 per hour for regular hourly employees. The minimum wage for tipped employees is currently $4.05 per hour.

Cleveland Minimum Wage Ballot Initiative Blocked: As we also previously reported, Cleveland voters were to decide in a special election in May whether to incrementally increase the minimum wage for businesses operating in Cleveland to $15.00 an hour. However, Governor John Kasich signed a bill prohibiting municipalities from passing minimum wage ordinances different from the state’s minimum wage.

George Asimou can be reached at 216-928-2899 or gasimou@walterhav.com.